Tuesday, December 31, 2024

Happy New Year!


2025
Year of the Golden Age
"old world, gold economy, as viewed thru modern eyes"
or "way to move from US$ without war".
-Another (5/5/98)



As you can see, I decided to change the name. The conflagration didn't play out in 2024 as I expected, even with my broad range of probable scenarios. It tried hard, but it appears to have encountered some sort of uncanny resistance. First, Trump narrowly dodged an assassin's bullet. Then the Big Red Wave finally arrived. And after that, the Left seemed shaken and stunned.

Kamala just disappeared. Obama popped out of a hole to say something incoherent about Republicans stealing elections. Christopher Wray quit. Nancy fell and broke a hip. And a partridge in a pear tree.

Don't get me wrong, though. I'm not saying it's going to be smooth sailing. There are still 20 days until the inauguration, including January 6th. A lot can happen in 20 days, especially these 20 days. But at this point, I'm looking beyond the inauguration. January 20th is still a big, historic turning point, probably the biggest we've had in our lifetime, but Trump is just the catalyst.

We remain at DEFCON 2 for now, but that could change at any moment. If it changes sometime during the next 20 days, then all bets are off. But as far as this post is concerned, it changes sometime after Trump is back in the White House.

The Fishbowl

The way I see it, there are two camps, two schools of thought on how the problems get fixed. It's like this: We exist within the $IMFS fishbowl, an analogy I've used many times. The water in which we swim is so old, putrid and foul, that it is practically choking the entire human race.

The two camps are the "fix it inside the fishbowl" camp, and the "outside the fishbowl fixes it" camp.

The school of thought for the inside-the-fishbowl camp is that we somehow clean up the water inside the fishbowl, and move on from there. It's the "fix it from the inside" school of thought.

The other is the "burn it all down and rebuild from the ground up" school of thought. That's where the fishbowl shatters, the putrid water quickly dilutes into an ocean of clean water, and the fish are free to explore the fresh, new environment for the next thousand years.

Within these two camps, there are also two distinct sub-groups: 1. The activists, and 2. The passivists.

The reason I am painting the picture this way is to show you how President Trump and I differ. I like Trump. I support Trump. I voted for Trump in 2016, 2020 and 2024. And I'm extremely happy that he won this election, but he and I are on completely opposite sides of this matrix:

Remember, this is what I do. I give you a different big-picture way to view things—a lens, if you will. It's not the only lens. It's not even the only correct lens. But it's my lens. It's how I see things. And I think that the ability to see them in this particular light will help illuminate future events that are still inevitable, even though Trump won, and regardless of how successful his presidency ultimately is.

--END OF EXCERPT--

You can read the rest at the Speakeasy. CLICK HERE to subscribe. You don't need a Paypal account to subscribe. Just click on the "Pay with Debit or Credit Card" button at the bottom, or email me at fofoamail at gmail dot com for an invoice. It's $150 for 6 months, which works out to about $0.82 per day.

And now, here's a post from the Speakeasy that I wrote back in November, titled Glimpsing 4 – CB Gold in Freegold...



Glimpsing 4 – CB Gold in Freegold
11/19/24
I received an email from our resident economist the other day, asking me this:

Under FG, what should be the central bank disposition toward holding gold as a reserve asset?

None at all? Some but not all? Hold gold as the lone reserve asset but let its value float a la the ECB model? Other?

Reading Judy Shelton's new book...meh.


I responded:

I’ve written about this before. Now I have to find the post…


And he said:

Thought you might have...


It took me a little while, but I finally sent him two excerpts, one written in 2014, and the other from 2017. Here are those excerpts:

2014:

In order to see how the dollar can collapse, you need to understand how and why it is overvalued today, not just in the monetary plane with its monumental overhang of “financial savings”, but also in the physical plane of production and trade. By the end of this post, you might be surprised to discover how the dollar would still collapse even if we could hypothetically erase all of the dollars and “financial wealth” that has accumulated in the system.

Also by the end of the post, I hope you will see how simple Freegold really is, but for those of you who are impatient, or don’t like to read long posts, or don’t care about understanding things deeply and would rather just have an abstract that can be easily dismissed so you can get back to the stuff you already know, here’s the gist of it.

Freegold is all about gradual, natural and automatic adjustment mechanisms in the modern world of fiat currencies. An adjustment mechanism is quite simply anything that periodically corrects physical plane imbalances. In economics, the term “adjustment mechanism” is often used to describe the flow of gold between different countries back when gold was used as base money in those countries. But this is not at all what Freegold is about, so I am using the term in a much broader sense that applies at any scale, from the global scale on down to the individual.

Whenever you buy a gold coin, or even a coffee at Starbucks, that’s an example of an adjustment mechanism at the individual level. Monetary plane balances (like “financial wealth”, the “idea of long term debt being held as a money asset”, or even cash in your wallet) represent physical plane imbalances. Whenever monetary balances are reduced, real world imbalances are reduced. Likewise, when monetary balances are accumulated, physical plane imbalances increase. It’s a simple concept and a simple view.

The flow of money within a common currency zone, like the United States for example, is the most basic and automatic adjustment mechanism. Other adjustment mechanisms include changes in wages and in the prices of various goods and services in general, and in different locales, and the movement of people and capital from one location to another.

Wherever multiple currencies interact, like on planet Earth for example, changes in the exchange rate between them are the primary adjustment mechanism. Fixing, pegging or otherwise manipulating the exchange rate of different currencies does, in fact, preclude other adjustment mechanisms and causes imbalances to accumulate, often to the point that abrupt adjustment becomes unavoidable, economically disruptive, and financially destructive, in other words, painful.

Currency collapse and hyperinflation are natural but not gradual adjustment mechanisms, as are controlled devaluations. Floating exchange rates are a more gradual adjustment mechanism between different currency zones.

These adjustment mechanisms have always been with us, so the real change in Freegold is the “gradual, natural and automatic” part. Gradual (or ongoing) is self-explanatory, but what I mean by “natural and automatic” is that these ongoing adjustments will be allowed to happen or made by choice, not forced or induced by a central bank, because such ongoing adjustments will be in the self-interest of anyone in a position to choose, on any scale.

I’m sure that some of you are already skeptical about what I’m saying. You’re probably thinking that Freegold relies somehow on gold and whether or not it’s embraced by the masses. But here’s another thing that will probably surprise you in the end. Gold has very little to do with “Freegold the monetary system”! Gold is not a key part of the monetary adjustment mechanisms in Freegold. The price and physical movements of gold won’t even matter to the monetary system. Any movements of gold in price, ownership or location will be irrelevant to the monetary system of the future.

Freegold is the true unshackling of gold from the monetary system. In Freegold, a properly functioning monetary system requires nothing of gold. In Freegold, the international monetary system won’t require gold to change price or location in order for it (the new IMFS) to function. That’s why it’s called Freegold. Gold is finally and truly set free from its shackles to the monetary system.

2017:

“One way to address the issue of the management of foreign exchange reserves is to start with an economic system in which no reserves are required. There are two. The first is the obvious case of a single world currency. The second is a more useful starting point: a fully functioning, fully adhered to, floating rate world.

All requirements for foreign exchange in this idealized, I should say, hypothetical, system could be met in real time in the marketplace at whatever exchange rate prevails. No foreign exchange reserves would be needed.” –Alan Greenspan (1999)

[…]

Reserves are a subset of assets on a central bank’s balance sheet. On one side are its liabilities (its currency), and on the other side are its assets, which include domestic currency assets and reserves. Reserves are a portion of assets on all kinds of bank balance sheets. Bullion banks have physical gold reserves. They are needed for clearing, and delivery/allocation requests. Commercial banks have reserves in the form of cash and claims on their central bank. They are needed for clearing, withdrawals, and to meet regulatory requirements.

Central bank reserves are no longer needed for clearing, delivery, allocation or withdrawal, now that Bretton Woods has ended and currencies are no longer redeemable in gold from the central bank. The only thing central bank reserves do in a clean float is sit there. If they move, if they change, then it’s not a clean float.

When I say that in a clean float, reserves aren’t needed, that means no change in volume, either way, up or down. It doesn’t mean any CB should get rid of its reserves. That wouldn’t be a clean float. Any change in reserves, up or down (in volume, not value), by the monetary authority or central bank, is manipulation of the exchange rate. Reserves may fluctuate a little over the short term for liquidity reasons, but any permanent change implies exchange rate intervention.

In fact, in a true clean float, the central bank shouldn’t be involved even for liquidity reasons, that is, temporarily supplying foreign currency reserves to its own banks that are involved in foreign exchange. Those banks should be obtaining all the foreign reserves they need from the interbank market.

[…]

The big irony, and the most surprising conclusion drawn from this line of thought, for me at least, is that the US’s treatment of its gold reserves following 1971 is actually the model for everyone else come Freegold. Freegold, after all, is really just the world finally finishing what it started in 1971, and was collectively and officially agreed to in 1976 at the Jamaica Accords.

We’ve all “grown up” in terms of our gold education learning that the Nixon Shock was bad, that the US Treasury taking the public’s gold away from the Fed and replacing it with certificates was bad, that the US ignoring its public gold, even putting it in “deep storage”, was bad, and that leaving its value on the books, and even on the central bank’s balance sheet, fixed at an arbitrary and meaningless price of $42.22 per ounce was bad. But I’m telling you now, this will all be what makes the most sense for the treatment of public gold reserves by all CBs once Freegold is well underway.

Don’t get me wrong, though. This in no way negates or delegitimizes the genius of MTM gold on Line 1 of the Eurosystem’s balance sheet. That was a master stroke in terms of promoting gold within the current system (the $IMFS), and “signaling” that it’s an asset, not a currency, that can rise without competing with the euro currency. It was also a master stroke in terms of weathering the transition away from the dollar reserve system.

Think about it this way. When the dollar dies, most of the reserves on most central banks’ balance sheets will go *POOF*. Simultaneously, the gold portion will be revalued and will fill that hole, and then some. So it’s good to have gold reserves for the transition, and it’s good to promote gold for the people. But in Freegold, that public gold will just sit there, except in the case of an extreme emergency or war.

Now think about the magnitude of the revaluation in terms of the central bank’s balance sheet. I’ll use the latest Eurosystem quarterly for example. Right now, assets and liabilities on the Eurosystem’s balance sheet stand at €4.1T each. On the asset side, about 18% of the assets are reserves, 8% dollars (and other foreign currencies, but mostly dollars), and 10% gold.

So let’s hyperinflate the dollars down to zero, and revalue the gold to $55K in today’s dollars. Converted to euros at today’s exchange rate, that’s €49,118 per ounce. That’s a 42.28X revaluation in terms of this balance sheet. What that does to the balance sheet, however, is it makes it look absurd. The revaluation would raise the assets total to €20.5T, of which the reserves (now only gold since we zeroed out the foreign currency) would be a whopping 83.5% of the balance sheet.

To keep the liabilities side in balance with the assets side of the balance sheet, the revaluation “windfall” will be added to Line 11 on the liabilities side. Line 11 is how they make the balance sheet balance each quarter with revalued foreign assets, but more importantly, it represents a liability of the Eurosystem back to its member National Central Banks. It essentially represents the portion of reserves in excess of what is needed. It goes up and down as exchange rates fluctuate, but ever since the launch of the euro in 1999, it has stayed within the range of 9% – 18% of total liabilities.

It could potentially drop below that range, and you don’t want it to go negative, so ~10% is a reasonable pad. But with Freegold, line 11 will suddenly become 82% of the liabilities on the balance sheet. That will look absurd and be distracting from the rest of the page, especially since reserves are meaningless at that point, and the rest of the page is the meaningful part.

What will make the most sense at this point will be to basically do what the US did with its gold. What I’d do if I were the ECB at this point is “return” most of the gold to the members (of course it was only ever a technicality of joining the euro, the gold never moved or changed ownership, so this “return” is just on paper anyway), leaving just enough so that, at its new MTM value, the balance sheet balances. That would be about 460 tonnes, less than the 504 tonnes the ECB claims for itself, meaning 100% of the national gold reserves could be “returned” to its owners, to be put in “deep storage” where it would lie very still for the next thousand years, and all national gold would finally be set free from its currency, as it should be in Freegold.

It would also make sense for them to stop marking it to market on the balance sheet, since it’s not needed anymore, except to balance out the liabilities once, at the beginning. Why mark reserves to market if you don’t need them anymore? It would only complicate the balance sheet process unnecessarily at that point. So what I’d do is freeze the price on the books and forget about it, not at $42.22, but at €49,118. The price is going to be very stable then anyway, but I can’t think of a good reason to keep changing it on the balance sheet every three months. And if you’re not going to do that, then there’s no need for line 11 anymore, and without line 11 and its 10% pad, the ECB would only need to keep 201 tonnes on its balance sheet. So that’s another 300+ tonnes that could be “returned” to the core euro countries.

When all is said and done, it will look a lot like the Fed and the US Treasury’s treatment of gold for the last 38 years or so, with the public sector’s gold untouched and forgotten in “deep storage”, its “price” locked on paper, and the central bank with no need for reserves of any kind. Isn’t it ironic? Kinda like the future monetary system I call Freegold having almost nothing to do with gold? ;D

--END OF EXCERPTS--

After that, he came back with this:

All makes sense but CBs must hold some assets to secure their monetary base liabilities. In the euro example, returning “excess” gold reserves to the national CBs is fine and I follow.

But, what do CBs then do in the event that they wish to increase/decrease the monetary base stock post revaluation? Back to sovereign debt open market operations with no changes to their respective gold stocks?

I suppose that if the nominal price of gold floats as assumed, then the CB capital positions will float in sync but you suggest fixing the MTM valuation post revaluation.

I don’t have a major beef here as I’ve yet to game this all out, post revaluation in my mind but, it does seem important.

Thanks!


And this:

Thinking further, if commercial banks looking forward are expected to expand their nominal balance sheets (highly likely), then they'll probably need a growing pool of nominal reserves to facilitate that growth.

With your fixed gold price/stock scenario (at the post revaluation price), the only assets then that CBs could acquire to expand liabilities would be non-gold assets which is basically how the developed market CBs have operated post-BW, right?

If that's the case, is that a legitimate path forward for the fiat currency system? At first blush, I suppose it is and it would then operate independently from a private gold market in FG.


Here were my replies:

I’m responding in red…

All makes sense but CBs must hold some assets to secure their monetary base liabilities. In the euro example, returning “excess” gold reserves to the national CBs is fine and I follow. I didn’t say no assets, I only said no reserves, and I defined CB reserves as the IMF does: foreign currency and gold.

But, what do CBs then do in the event that they wish to increase/decrease the monetary base stock post revaluation? Back to sovereign debt open market operations with no changes to their respective gold stocks? CBs can buy and sell assets denominated in their own currency. I don’t care what those assets are. CBs can issue new CB liabilities to buy assets if they wish to increase the money supply, or they can sell assets if they want to decrease the money supply.

I suppose that if the nominal price of gold floats as assumed, then the CB capital positions will float in sync but you suggest fixing the MTM valuation post revaluation. Post-reval, public gold becomes a public asset, just like national treasures like the original Declaration of Independence, public land, public buildings, historical sites, mineral rights, etc. Think of it like the USA’s policy on gold. The Fed only has paper gold. The US Treasury owns the real gold. The price on the Fed’s balance sheet is fixed, but it’s not the real price of the gold, because the Fed doesn’t own the gold.

I don’t have a major beef here as I’ve yet to game this all out, post revaluation in my mind but, it does seem important.

Thanks!

Thinking further, if commercial banks looking forward are expected to expand their nominal balance sheets (highly likely), then they'll probably need a growing pool of nominal reserves to facilitate that growth. Since CB liabilities are commercial bank reserves, the CB can facilitate that growth.

With your fixed gold price/stock scenario (at the post revaluation price), the only assets then that CBs could acquire to expand liabilities would be non-gold assets which is basically how the developed market CBs have operated post-BW, right? Yes.

If that's the case, is that a legitimate path forward for the fiat currency system? At first blush, I suppose it is and it would then operate independently from a private gold market in FG. Exactly. There’s no need for gold to be part of the fiat currency system. Keep in mind the IMF definition of reserves: foreign currency and gold. CB reserves in the past were for exchange rate manipulation, any way you cut it. If a CB buys or sells foreign currency or gold, it is de facto manipulating its currency’s exchange rate with the other one.

Then he replied:

Under that model though, CBs will need to keep some gold reserves (or BTC haha) such that they have an asset to revalue upwards in the event of the next sharp rise in nominal interest rates. Only alternative would be the incessant application of QE and/or YCC of which neither ends well in the longer term.


And I came back with this:

You need to think outside the fishbowl. There won’t be sharp corrections in Freegold. “Sharp” indicates an abrupt adjustment to an imbalance that has built up over time. Freegold, by definition, is a system of gradual, natural and automatic adjustment mechanisms that prevent such imbalances from building up.

Today we have negative real interest rates. They were driven negative by money hoarding by passive non-bank entities (savers). Once you get the passive entities to quit hoarding money (and lending your surplus income to someone else at interest (ie., buying bonds, the most common form of money hoarding), then you will have positive real interest rates again, and all will be well with the world. Sorry for the long excerpt, but I trimmed it down quite a bit. From Global Stagnation in 2014:

Notice that he mentioned the “Wicksellian natural rate” which I noted as being the same as Summers’ FERIR. This theory of interest rates was Knut Wicksell’s most influential contribution to Economics, published in 1898, and it comes from the Austrian School which theorized that an economic boom happened when the natural rate of interest was higher than the market (or monetary) rate of interest. The inverse would be that an economic slump, or stagnation, would happen when the natural rate (or FERIR) was lower than the market rate of interest, which Larry Summers showed that it was.

[…]

Where we differ is in our perspectives on the big picture. Think of it like this: The $IMFS is like a fishbowl, and we are all like goldfish swimming around in that confined environment, wondering why our economy has stagnated and why there's no more room to grow. Krugman, Summers and everyone else are all trying to understand the cause in order to cure the problem within the confines of the fishbowl, while the fishbowl itself is the limiting factor.

It should be no surprise that a fish, immersed in water inside a fishbowl, would not identify the glass boundary as the problem and recommend breaking it in order to grow. Most would not even be aware of the bowl, and even if they were, breaking it would seem like a suicidal means of escape. So imagine that global stagnation is a real problem, but that all 23 economists and virtually everyone else discussing its possible causes and cures are all viewing it from an inside-the-fishbowl perspective, and that what I am offering you in this post is an out-of-the-fishbowl view, even though I'm stuck inside the fishbowl just like everyone else.

What if I told you that the fishbowl is only an illusion? That even though it confines us, we remain inside its boundary not because it really exists, but because we think it exists? And what if I told you that there's a big ocean out there, just waiting for us to break free from our self-imposed confinement?

[…]

As I said, I agree with Krugman and Summers on the symptoms of global stagnation. Where I disagree is on the causes and cures. This is what my Freegold lens (my out-of-the-fishbowl perspective courtesy of FOA) reveals a different cause and cure for today's global economic stagnation.

Okay, let's start with the low inflation problem. Remember that low inflation combined with a low or negative natural interest rate (the FERIR) leaves central banks stuck between a rock and a hard place, the rock being sluggish growth and the hard place being financial bubbles and instability. But with loose monetary policy and explosive growth in the money supply since the 1970s, what could possibly account for more than three decades of low inflation?

I'm talking about consumer price inflation here, which is where the rubber meets the road. Physical plane (the real world and the real economy) price inflation has been surprisingly low relative to growth in the monetary plane (the financial sector and the money supply).

[…]

In a world with many different fiat currencies, the value of each one is a reflection of its economy. "Where the rubber meets the road" means where the monetary plane meets the physical plane, meaning that a currency is worth what its economy produces that can be bought with that currency. But price and value are not necessarily the same thing in the world of many different currencies.

In order to price something, you need a numéraire. So while the value of a currency is what its economy produces that can be purchased with that currency, the price of a currency is its exchange rate with other currencies from other economies. In a clean float with Freegold, I think that the price and value of each currency will be pretty close to equal, but that's not the case in the $IMFS.

The $IMFS is characterized by two things that work in tandem to not only misprice currencies relative to the physical plane, but to systemically cement the mispricing and make it cumulative over the long term rather than cyclical with periodic corrections.

[…]

I don't want to spend too much time on this point, but what it means is that, in an open system with many different fiat currencies, the two things which I said characterize the $IMFS, subjugate, supersede and overpower local inflation drivers. Those two things, once again, are oversized private sector international capital flows and their structural counterpart, public sector capital flows known as the dirty float. As FOA said, "the real cause of price increases is when the exchange rate is allowed to balance a negative trade deficit." In the present case, the cause of price stability in the $IMFS is the dirty float, in which exchange rates are not allowed to balance trade.

In a clean float, you'd have more closely balanced trade, and therefore the local inflation drivers targeted by monetary policy would begin to reassert their influence. Private sector capital flows would still have an effect, but it would correct periodically. And because changes occur more slowly in the physical than in the monetary plane, imbalances driven by private sector financial drifts would not become structural, cumulative and therefore systemically dangerous. Furthermore, and I hope to get into this more later, the predicted transition implies a smaller financial sector, smaller international capital flows, and a shift from financial pyramids and volatility-churning into real economic enterprises as the most profitable focus for "hot money".

People, especially economists, tend to think they understand the causes of inflation. What I am proposing to you here is that, inside the $IMFS fishbowl, most of them are wrong, or at least what they understand theoretically is subjugated globally by the $IMFS and the dirty float.

[…]

In my view, where we are today is stuck in a physical plane (real economy) that is subjugated, superseded, overpowered by and therefore subservient to the monetary plane (oversized financial capital flows). We have actually achieved a remarkable level of price stability for most of the world and for a very long time, but at what cost? In my view, there are two big costs, persistent economic stagnation in a relatively stable price environment, and inevitable periodic currency collapse.

[…]

Even with a higher target inflation rate like Krugman and Summers both recommend, monetary policy would likely have little or no effect as it stands today. In fact, we can see with our own eyes that it has little effect, as central banks have printed trillions in new reserves, practically monetizing consumption directly in some cases, while lowering both short and long term key interest rates to unprecedented lows, and still no effect on inflation.

Some have suggested that, in the case of Europe, the monetization of a broader range of assets, including gold, might be appropriate for monetary policy easing [15]. But all that does is raise demand for the monetized assets, likely raising the price, and in the case of gold causing inflow from other currency zones thereby putting downward pressure on the price of the currency itself. These kinds of purchases do not raise consumption, demand or create new borrowers, but instead they simply transfer existing purchasing power from the economy to prior asset holders. (And in the case of gold, CB purchases beyond a prudent reserve level are just currency manipulations that punish the workers in the economy while actually incentivizing lower consumption as more people will elect to forego current expenditures in order to buy gold: "Gold has always been funny in that way. So many people worldwide think of it as money, it tends to dry up as the price rises." - Another).

Even if they could get inflation up, I doubt that it would have the intended effect on the real economy. A certain rate of price inflation may well accompany the kind of economic growth that economists and central planners desire, but I'm not sure causation works in the direction they hope it does. In other words, economic growth may cause inflation, but inflation does not cause real economic growth.

[…]

During the post-war years of 1946-1953, with the US economy roaring on its own, cranking out a trade surplus with Europe as evident in the gold inflow which peaked in 1952 (see Fiat 33), we saw some of the highest price inflation rates ever, reaching 20% in 1947 and 10% in 1951. The point, once again, is that even though inflation may well accompany periods of economic growth, it does not follow that higher inflation rates cause higher economic growth.

For that matter, neither does low inflation—also known as price stability—cause economic growth. In my view, today's price stability has the same cause as today's low interest rates, which is also the same cause as today's global stagnation. As I've said many times before, correlation does not imply causation, and the treating of symptoms rarely cures the disease.

The "cause" that I am referring to is massive, systemic and global money hoarding. Money, at its essence, is credit. It is the credibility of future production revenue made spendable in the present (see Moneyness 2: Money is Credit). That is how new money comes into being, and then it circulates right along with the rest of the money pool as a medium of exchange in the present. The hoarding of such credits, however, overvalues the unit of account itself, as the credits that are not hoarded enjoy a present purchasing power that would otherwise be lower if all existing "fungible credibility" circulated, and such credits were only held as short term balances rather than as wealth reserves. Hoarding, by the way, includes re-lending the credits to someone else, which is the primary way money is hoarded.

The re-lending of credits earned as surplus revenue simulates the money creation process without actually creating any new money, again overvaluing the unit itself as the credits enjoy a present purchasing power that would otherwise be lower if new money had actually been created. Re-lending is fine and normal to a degree. That degree is where it is done professionally, with one's own surplus revenue.

Where it becomes hazardous is when it is done systemically and passively by savers who leave it up to someone else to determine the lending standards. All of this money circulates in the same pool, so using credits as the system's reserves, and the passive savings of virtually everyone in the world, crowds the banks and professional investors within the financial and monetary arena. This crowding pushes the banks and professional investors into riskier and more questionable activities in order to make a living.

The result is low interest rates (because there is too much money competing for a limited pool of credible borrowers), lower lending standards (because passive money is being managed by people who make an up-front percentage and then have no more skin in the game), low inflation (because the process itself systematically overvalues the currency on an ongoing and cumulative basis), and economic stagnation (once debt and malinvestment levels reach a certain point of saturation). That's where we are today, in my view, on a global scale.

Money hoarded as savings or foreign reserves must find a vehicle to be hoarded into. This creates a massively oversized and passively generic demand for debt and equity investment vehicles, which leads to bubbles, malinvestment, debt saturation, across-the-board unprofitability, and ultimately to persistent economic stagnation where uneconomic and unprofitable businesses continue operating at a loss just to service their debt, and in some cases where government stimulus is involved, just to keep people employed.

[…]

In essence, global savings (because in the $IMFS "savings" is defined as money hoarding) has outstripped profitable investment opportunities. There are more "savings" in the world today than there are truly-economic opportunities to make a profit, therefore the very act of saving for the future today worsens imprudent lending standards, inflates valuation bubbles in overpriced (and therefore unprofitable) industries, and promotes the illusion of new rising stars of productivity like [bitcoin].

In supply and demand terms, there is too much savings relative to investment opportunities that are profitable due to real economic value creation. The return on "savings" (interest in the case of debt and dividends or profits in the case of equity) is low because there is too much supply (savings) relative to demand (profitable opportunities). These are exactly the conditions in which bubbles arise—when "savings" or investment capital are in overabundance.

If you think it's good for the economy or for society in general to loan your surplus revenue to someone else, or to buy a company's stock, or even to stuff it in your mattress for later, guess again. You are part of the problem. If you're willing to give it away and forget about it, that's fine, but if you're hoping to reclaim that purchasing power at some point in the future, you are only adding to the congestion that is bringing the global economy to a standstill.

[…] The cure for global stagnation, I think, is very simple. In fact, unlike Krugman and Summers, I don't have a prescription. What would be my recommendation is already happening, so I only have a prediction for how and why it will end.

[…]

The cause of the dollar's overvaluation is the exorbitant hoarding of dollars by foreigners, including both foreign investors (which, yes, includes some of the foreign oil producers, though not to a great extent) and foreign central banks doing the dirty float. And of those two (foreign investors and foreign CBs), it is the CBs that were the cause of the perpetuation which lasted many decades, because they were the ones who bought dollars when everyone else was not.

Eliminate that particular cause, and you don't immediately eliminate the overvaluation, but you do end its perpetuation. And that's where I think we are today.

[…]

What you'll find, if you play out this thought experiment honestly, is that the weakest link in the whole system, the one that will lose its grip and make those numbers meet, is where the rubber meets the road—the prices that connect the dollar to the physical plane of goods and services. [Consumer price inflation]

[…]

The sudden elimination of net consumption by the US as a whole is what FOA called "crashing our lifestyle," but he added in the very next sentence: "Something our currency management policy will confront with dollar printing to avert." A simple devaluation of the dollar would not only eliminate our trade deficit immediately, but in the case of the dollar because it is the global standard for savings and reserves totaling more than $60T, it would deliver a global haircut in real terms to the value of those savings and reserves. Nominally they would still be the same, but their real value would have been halved.

That, alone, would probably be enough to start a cascading avalanche of panic out of dollar holdings that would take the dollar much lower than the initial devaluation. But what FOA wrote—"Something our currency management policy will confront with dollar printing to avert"—is even more true today than when he wrote it and will, in my view, precede and amplify the avalanche, making the US dollar look more like the Zimbabwe dollar than the krona, peso or ruble in the end.

The reason I say it is more true today than when he wrote it is that, when he wrote it, the US private sector was the primary net consumer. But ever since the 2008 financial crisis, the US private sector is no longer a net consumer. We have, in essence, already "crashed our lifestyle." Yet the US as a whole, which in sectoral terms means the US private sector plus the US public sector (the USG), hasn't crashed its lifestyle at all.

Beginning in 2009, the net consumption of the US public sector, the US federal government, with net consumption defined as spending in excess of income, has been equal to or greater than the net consumption of the US public and private sectors combined. Stated simply, the USG's budget deficit has been equal to or greater than the US trade deficit for the last six years.

What this means, if you play out my thought experiment honestly, is that "the sudden elimination of net consumption" will be borne entirely, or at least almost entirely, by the one entity that can unilaterally, not unlike Mugabe, "confront with dollar printing to avert" (or at least attempt to avoid) bearing the brunt of that crash of lifestyle. That singular entity is the USG, and that's the basis for my view of how the US dollar will come to look more like the Zimbabwe dollar in the end.

[…]

As I wrote earlier, my predicted transition implies a smaller financial sector, smaller international capital flows, and a shift from financial pyramids and volatility-churning into real economic enterprises as the most profitable focus for "hot money". I know that many of my readers find this "glimpsing the hereafter" stuff challenging. I mean, everyone's into stocks and bonds today, right? So won't they run back into the warm embrace of paper IOUs right away?

Well, remember the Roaring 20s when everybody including the shoeshine boy was in the markets? After that crash, the average saver did not want to touch the stuff for four or five decades, and that was without hyperinflation wiping out his or her "savings" to 0.01% of their previous purchasing power. This time, I think it will be quite obvious that the only things "left standing" will be "real things".

Even among real things, the degree of purchasing power retention in real terms will vary greatly. This should lead to the usual mentality of risk reduction and channel future savings to a different focal point than today. And it's not just about the focal point which is for truly surplus (i.e., not needed anytime soon) revenue, but all forms of real wealth that enhance one's standard of living through their presence and use will gain widespread appreciation. Like nice, heirloom-quality household goods and furniture, instead of the cheap crap we buy today with the virtually-unlimited credit from an overvalued currency.

Ensuring that you own your home free and clear by retirement is another thing we should see post $IMFS, because it reduces risk. And no, I'm not talking about anything like the housing market speculation of today. All this "glimpsing the hereafter" stuff is based on common sense flowing from the elimination of money hoarding which will have proven so disastrous through the reset. This is what FOA explained so brilliantly, how our very human nature leads our behavior, especially through change.

One other thing I mentioned earlier that I want to expand upon in this final section is that any central bank purchases of gold, or any foreign currency for that matter, beyond a level that is prudent for normal international banking liquidity needs and emergencies (a level which I might add that all major CBs already have in reserve), are just currency manipulations that punish the workers in their own economy by reducing the purchasing power of their wages and transferring that purchasing power to someone else. Such transfers do not increase aggregate demand (i.e., purchasing power), they only transfer it from one person to another.

You may have seen the term "GOMO" used recently, which means Gold Open Market Operations or a CB buying or selling gold on the open market. While this idea has been associated with Freegold, I will tell you now that I don't agree that it is part of Freegold, a good idea, or even that we should expect to see it tried by the incompetent. Don't count on GOMO, because it's not what you are probably thinking it is.

I see a lot of people falling into the trap of thinking that "physical gold purchases can only be good no matter who's doing it", because they are thinking of their own holdings and projecting that personal feeling onto a CB that represents an entire economy made up of both debtors and savers. If you thought it was hard to think like a giant, it's even harder to think like a CB. A giant can underconsume and save just like us, but if a CB tries to do the same thing, it's not really saving. It is merely preventing the exchange rate from balancing trade via the relative prices of goods and services, and thereby mispricing its currency and unnecessarily punishing its own labor force.

[…]

Monetary policy, by definition, is stuff you do at home; Reserves—gold and foreign currency/foreign debt—and operations pertaining to reserves, are not part of monetary policy. They are exchange rate manipulations, and the ECB has made it clear that they aren't doing the dirty anymore. Monetary policy won't change. If you hate this system because of CB monetary policy, then you'll probably hate the next one as well.

What will change is that exchange rates will no longer be manipulated, therefore foreign currency, foreign debt and gold will just sit there, unchanged, on the CB balance sheets. Simple as that. The CBs will still mess with interest rates, reserve requirements, and buy debt and other stuff within their own currency zones, because that's what has at least a little effect on aggregate demand.

--END OF EXCERPT--

Continuing that thought in 2020:

You see, our perpetual trade deficit is the structural foundation underlying everything, and the US dollar exchange rate is the key. “Make no mistake, CB support for our US unit is the only reason its exchange rate didn’t plunge, throwing us into a massive, local price inflation.” Foreign public sector (CB) support wasn’t meant to bolster our markets, it was meant to slow the decline of the USD whenever it became unprofitable, so that it wouldn’t plunge into the abyss. A dollar consumer price inflation that matches the dollar’s past currency inflation would end the US trade deficit in a heartbeat, and the entire $IMFS along with it.

In Freegold, with the clean float it implies, there will still be trade deficits and surpluses, but they won’t be perpetual with a cumulative imbalance that builds up until it collapses. There will still be financial markets in key financial centers around the world that will drive trade imbalances at various times, but they will correct periodically and revert to the mean. There will still be reserve currencies which will be the larger, more liquid currencies that will be held in some proportion by the smaller CBs for the purpose of international liquidity in their local banking system. But none of them will be structurally supported—bought for the sole purpose of maintaining an imbalanced system. And gold will be the primary reserve asset held by [nation-states] as an insurance policy against future crises.

[In the post it said CBs, but I changed it to nation-states because, as I said, in Freegold, CB gold will be recognized as the public’s gold, not the property of a bank to be revalued to recapitalize the bank in a crisis. The revaluation will have already happened, and it will only happen once.]

In the future, if you look at a long-term balance of trade chart for any of the reserve currencies, you will see that it bounces back and forth from surplus to deficit and back again on a regular basis.

[…]

The problem is that getting the US chart there will require a collapse in the USD exchange rate, which will be accompanied by full-blown hyperinflation.

Think about how that will look on a nominal chart … the US trade deficit will explode to huge negative numbers, while it collapses to zero in real terms. And then once the new dollar is established (minus a few zeros via The Great Lopping™), it will be at zero in both nominal and real terms and begin fluctuating up and down like everyone else.

I think the clean float, as I imagine it operating in Freegold, is basically already here, and now it’s just the foreign private sector piling into The Dollar Bomb Shelter™, global stagnation (The Dollar Short Doom Vortex™) and possibly a few other technical phenomena playing out that are supporting the dollar and the entire $IMFS as it gasps for its last few breaths. I don’t think it (the clean float) has been here for a very long time, but maybe for the past six years or so, since 2014.

Our perpetual trade deficit is really just an effect of the rest of the world’s monetary and financial actions, not a cause. But even so, it has become structural to not only the entire global financial system, but to our own economic system and, most importantly, to our voracious and spendthrift federal government, who also controls the US dollar printing press in extremis.

[…]

Freegold isn’t about gold settling imbalances at all levels, only at the individual saver level. At the sovereign or central bank level, it will just be a reserve, one that lies very still until it is needed in an emergency.

--END OF EXCERPT--

I realize that wasn’t all exactly on point, but thinking outside the fishbowl requires a full picture of the landscape.

So, CBs will still have the gold that they currently do. Debt will be held by banks and professional investors, and there will be some risk involved for the higher returns it provides. Inflation will be in the low single digits and stable, and interest rates will be slightly above inflation. Banks will compete with professional investors for the most qualified borrowers, and since banks can create lendable funds from thin air, they will always get the better debtors by providing the lowest rates. Investors will buy the bonds of riskier borrowers, like riskier businesses. Gold will finally track inflation, providing the perfect, risk-free savings.

The US national debt will have been wiped out by hyperinflation, and the USG will have been forced to dramatically downsize. It took a long time to get to its present size with the help of the exorbitant privilege, and that will be gone as well. So, the USG will be back to funding itself through taxation (or tariffs?), just like state and local governments, and everyone else, and the current UST structure that’s supporting the entire banking system will no longer exist. It’ll be a blank slate for a newly reduced federal government and international monetary and financial system.

Freegold is what remains when the current system implodes.

Gold at the national level will be a wealth reserve to be tapped only in the case of a national emergency, natural disaster or war. It will lie very still until it is needed.

Gold at the individual saver’s level will keep the world in balance. When a saver hoards money, that hoarded money represents an imbalance between the monetary and physical planes. Gold is in the physical plane, so when the saver buys gold with his hoarded money, it reduces the imbalance between the monetary and physical planes. The same amount of money still exists, but it has gone back into circulation. It has gone to an older saver who is now in the process of dishoarding, and needs the money to support his retirement. Multiply that by a few billion, and the world is suddenly stable again.

Hoarded money overvalues the numeraire (in our case, the US dollar). Circulating money does not. The US dollar is so overvalued today that there’s no way out except through collapse. It’s a Gordian knot. It is too complex to be untied, so it will be cut. And when I say it’s overvalued, it’s not that a single dollar buys too many donuts, it’s that the accumulation of perceived dollars in dollar-denominated assets can never be redeemed at anywhere near today’s prices. That’s the clearest way to see the overvaluation. That, and the size of the USG.

Price inflation is eating away at the dollar’s purchasing power right now, but not in the purchasing power of dollar financial assets, ie., perceived dollars. Asset appreciation via the Dow or S&P 500 is handily beating inflation at the moment. Up 26% to 36% in a year. So, even with current inflation, the dollar overvaluation is still increasing. When this sucker blows, it’s gonna leave a crater. And imagining what that crater will look like is what I do! 😉

Sincerely,
FOFOA

Tuesday, May 28, 2024

The Debtors and the Savers 2024

One of the curious things about political opinions is how often the same people line up on opposite sides of different issues. The issues themselves may have no intrinsic connection with each other. They may range from military spending to drug laws to monetary policy to education. Yet the same familiar faces can be found glaring at each other from opposite sides of the political fence, again and again. It happens too often to be coincidence and it is too uncontrolled to be a plot. A closer look at the arguments on both sides often shows that they are reasoning from fundamentally different premises. These different premises—often implicit—are what provide the consistency behind the repeated opposition of individuals and groups on numerous, unrelated issues. They have different visions of how the world works. […]

Rather than attempt the impossible task of following all these ramifications in each of the myriad of social visions, the discussion here will group these visions into two broad categories—the constrained vision and the unconstrained vision. These will be abstractions of convenience, recognizing that there are degrees in both visions, that a continuum has been dichotomized, that in the real world there are often elements of each inconsistently grafted on to the other, and innumerable combinations and permutations. With all these caveats, it is now possible to turn to an outline of the two visions, and specifics on the nature of man, the nature of knowledge, and the nature of social processes, as seen in constrained and unconstrained visions. […]

The two great revolutions in the eighteenth century—in France and in America—can be viewed as applications of these differing visions, though with all the reservations necessary whenever the flesh and blood of complex historical events are compared to skeletal theoretical models. The underlying premises of the French Revolution more clearly reflected the unconstrained vision of man which prevailed among its leaders. The intellectual foundations of the American Revolution were more mixed, including men like Thomas Paine and Thomas Jefferson, whose thinking was similar in many ways to that in France, but also including as a dominant influence on the Constitution, the classic constrained vision of man expressed in The Federalist Papers. […]

With all the complex differences among social thinkers as of a given time, and still more so over time, it is nevertheless possible to recognize certain key assumptions about human nature and about social causation which permit some to be grouped together as belonging to the constrained vision and others as belonging to the unconstrained vision. Although these groupings do not encompass all social theorists, they cover many important figures and enduring ideological conflicts of the past two centuries. […]

William Godwin's elaboration of this unconstrained vision in his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice drew upon and systematized such ideas found among numerous eighteenth-century thinkers—Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Voltaire, Condorcet, Thomas Paine, and D'Holbach being notable examples. This general approach was carried forth in the nineteenth century, in their very different ways, by Saint-Simon, Robert Owen, and by George Bernard Shaw and other Fabians. Its twentieth-century echoes are found in political theorists such as Harold Laski, in economists like Thorstein Veblen and John Kenneth Galbraith, and in the law with a whole school of advocates of judicial activism, epitomized by Ronald Dworkin in theory and Earl Warren in practice. […]

This constrained view of human capacities found in Adam Smith is also found in a long series of other social thinkers, ranging from Thomas Hobbes in the seventeenth century, through Edmund Burke and the authors of The Federalist Papers among Smith's contemporaries, through such twentieth-century figures as Oliver Wendell Holmes in law, Milton Friedman in economics, and Friedrich A. Hayek in general social theory.

Not all social thinkers fit this schematic dichotomy. John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx, for example, do not fit, for very different reasons, as will be noted in Chapter 5. Others take midway positions between the two visions, or convert from one to the other. However, the conflict of visions is no less real because everyone has not chosen sides or irrevocably committed themselves.

Despite necessary caveats, it remains an important and remarkable phenomenon that how human nature is conceived at the outset is highly correlated with the whole conception of knowledge, morality, power, time, rationality, war, freedom, and law which defines a social vision. These correlations will be explored in the chapters that follow.

Because various beliefs, theories, and systems of social thought are spread across a continuum (perhaps even a multi-dimensional continuum), it might in one sense be more appropriate to refer to less constrained visions and more constrained visions instead of the dichotomy used here. However, the dichotomy is not only more convenient but also captures an important distinction. Virtually no one believes that man is 100 percent unconstrained and virtually no one believes that man is 100 percent constrained. What puts a given thinker in the tradition of one vision rather than the other is not simply whether he refers more to man's constraints or to his untapped potential but whether, or to what extent, constraints are built into the very structure and operation of a particular theory. Those whose theories incorporate these constraints as a central feature have a constrained vision; those whose theories do not make these constraints an integral or central part of the analysis have an unconstrained vision. Every vision, by definition, leaves something out—indeed, leaves most things out. The dichotomy between constrained and unconstrained visions is based on whether or not inherent limitations of man are among the key elements included in the vision.

The dichotomy is justified in yet another sense. These different ways of conceiving man and the world lead not merely to different conclusions but to sharply divergent, often diametrically opposed, conclusions on issues ranging from justice to war. There are not merely differences of visions but conflicts of visions.

- THOMAS SOWELL, A CONFLICT OF VISIONS: Ideological Origins of Political Struggles



The Debtors and the Savers are also abstractions of convenience, a dichotomized continuum justified by the not merely different, but sharply divergent, often diametrically opposed, conclusions on a wide range of issues that divide the two camps, which leads to conflict, and ultimately ends in either tears, bloodshed, or both:

In the first Debtors and Savers back in 2010, I agreed with Karl Marx’s statement that “the history of society is the history of class struggle,” but I disagreed with his delineation of the classes as the workers versus the capitalists, the rich versus the poor, or the haves versus the have-nots. My delineation was “the easy money camp” or “the redistributors,” which I dubbed the Debtors for short, versus “the hard money camp” or “the live within their means and take personal responsibility for their own future camp,” which I dubbed the Savers for short.

Marx and I merely have two different perspectives on history. But Marx’s perspective is wrong yet almost universally held, dangerous because it often leads to bloodshed, and politically expedient to the Left because it rousts envy in the have-nots. Meanwhile, my perspective, being the correct yet little known one, actually reveals how Freegold is the elegant solution to one of the oldest conflicts in the world. Instead of trying to force hard money on the easy money camp to keep their savings from devaluing, the Savers will simply stop saving in money, debt and financial instruments.

They will stop, because they will get burned in a way that will live in the collective memory forever, or at least for generations. Easy money systems, as I discussed in the post, have a typical profile of gradually transferring purchasing power from the Savers who save in money, debt and financial instruments, to the Debtors. Then, at the very end of the system, they have one final, very rapid wealth transfer, from paper’s remaining purchasing power into real things, primarily real wealth items that can be possessed, because physical possession is wealth’s defining attribute, especially at such times as the end of an easy money regime.

This change won’t deprive the Debtors of money to borrow, because if there’s one thing we know about easy money, it’s that you can easily make more of it. What it will do, however, is to keep the Saver’s savings from being disproportionately drained of value by an expandable monetary system. This will solve, once and for all, one of the oldest conflicts in the world, that of the Debtors and the Savers trying to use the same monetary unit, whether easy or hard, for both borrowing and saving, which has always ended in either bloodshed or tears for the Savers.

Hard money systems tend to end in violence, uprisings, bloodshed and even war, as I discussed in the post, while easy money systems tend to end in monetary collapse and financial devastation for unprepared Savers. Today we are at the end of the longest-running easy money system ever, so “Choose your camp wisely,” as I said in the post, “and prepare to own the future.”

[…]

Freegold is kind of like the middle ground, or center, between the two camps. It is the compromise, the obvious solution, but that doesn’t mean that I’m a centrist when it comes to politics. I can see that, as Ari said, we need our money to be “easy” in order to set gold free to be the “hard” wealth reserve par excellence that is needed to keep the peace. We get our “hard” secondary money, let them have their “easy” primary money, and learn to appreciate the elegance of the arrangement!

In fact, since most of us intuitively hail from the hard money camp, it’s a healthy exercise to embrace the idea of money being even “easier” in Freegold than it is today. Easy money saps value from every monetary unit on record, so today that disproportionately taxes the savers through the financial system, but in Freegold it won’t. So I don’t expect money to be any “harder” in Freegold. Since it will have a smaller pool of value to sap from, it may even be “easier” than today’s money.

As FOA said, we have always formed “tribes” or groups, in which we trade some measure of our personal freedom of choice for the security of being part of a larger group. Within that group, subgroups tend to jockey for control in order to bend the rules in their favor, in order to regain some of what they perceive they have lost by being part of the group, at the expense of other subgroups. It’s just the way we are as a species, and understanding human nature and how to work within it, rather than forever struggling to change it, is really what Freegold is all about.

As for the two most general subgroups, most would agree they are the political Left and Right. But from a monetary, economic and financial perspective, we always see the divide framed as the rich versus the poor. Yet there are rich and poor on both sides of the political spectrum, or ants and grasshoppers in each of our nations as Yanis said, so obviously we need a better framework of understanding if we are to comprehend what is actually unfolding.

That framework is the Debtors and the Savers, as I have defined them in terms of easy versus hard money preference, and in terms of social versus personal responsibility being primary. This understanding also blends extremely well with the history of the political Left and Right, revealing an undeniable connection between political and monetary evolution and change.

With this view, we can see how the rise of Progressivism to absurd levels has paralleled the rise of the dollar-based international monetary and financial system to its own absurd levels. It’s easy to see what constitutes Progressivism, but if you are willing to buy the idea that both have peaked, then it’s important to also understand what constitutes the $IMFS. Because while Conservatism stands ready to take control back from Progressivism, there’s no way in hell that we’re going back to hard money.

What most fundamentally constitutes the $IMFS is simply the idea that money, debt and financial instruments constitute wealth. As Randy said in Debtors v. Savers III, “Instead, your wealth, properly measured, is the tangibles you’ve accumulated, the store of resources you’ve saved. And among the world of tangibles, gold is globally the most liquid — the most universally recognized, honored, and accepted.” This is what will change monetarily: the simple idea of what constitutes wealth.

If you are still struggling with this concept, just think about what it actually is that makes the $IMFS seem so absurd today, not just in the US, but all around the world. It is the perception of wealth held in money, debt and financial instruments that is so disproportionate to the real economy. And not just the size, but the rate and direction of change. The perception of wealth can expand in the $IMFS even while the real economy is shrinking. This is why Another always said, “Your wealth is not what your money say it is.”

So, basically, Freegold is not about us versus them, it’s about living together without monetary conflict. And because of pride, envy and the lot of them, monetary conflict is indeed at the heart of these political conflicts. So while it might be a bit much to say Freegold will solve every problem, I think it’s fair to say it will at least reverse the incentives and send us “progressing” in a better direction.

-The Debtors and the Savers 2016



I wrote that post eight years ago, to the day. Trump had just, days before, become the presumptive nominee. Bernie Sanders was leading Hillary on the other side, but just barely. Seth Rich, a Bernie supporter, was still alive. The DNC emails had not yet been leaked to Julian Assange. Nelle Ohr, aka KM4UDZ, would get her Ham radio license exactly two weeks later, on May 23, 2016, so that she could coordinate the fabrication of a Russian kompromat file on Trump with Christopher Steele in England. And over in England, the Brexit vote was still a month and a half away.

Here is one of the images from that post:
I wrote:

Over in Europe, the migrant crisis is the front line of "Progress" versus push-back. Of course Europe doesn't have the same idea of free speech as we do in America, so we don't get to hear as much from the conservative resistance as we do from the Progressives, who label anyone opposed to massive immigration from the Arab world, North Africa and the Middle East, as xenophobic, racist or worse. In some places, you can be arrested for simply saying the wrong thing about the crisis, or even just tweeting it.

We do get a glimpse, though, at what is developing over there. In Sweden, anti-immigration groups are labeled as Nazis, yet we continue to hear stories about these "no-go" zones which are essentially Muslim slums where even the police don't go. Such stories are considered racist and routinely suppressed inside Sweden, but just a few weeks ago, an Australian 60 Minutes crew was attacked in one of these areas, and published the video saying there are now 55 such no-go zones in Sweden. So apparently there are reasons other than being a Nazi to hold an anti-immigration stance in Sweden.

In Germany, just days ago, hundreds of "left-wing protestors" clashed with thousands of members of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party who were meeting in Stuttgart. The protestors chanted "Keep refugees, drive Nazis away!" But I looked into this group, and they appear to not be as "far-right" as some. They are actively trying not to attract more radical ultra-nationalists, they are fearful of being labeled "xenophobic or even racist," and have shied away from supporting similar groups as a result. They have, however, labeled Merkel's decision to accept a million migrants in 2015 as "catastrophic," they would like to ban the burqa and outlaw minarets (the towers from which Muslims announce obligatory prayer time five times a day) in Germany, and they are also opposed to gay marriage. Freakin' "Nazis" (yeah, right).

Two years later, to the day, I wrote The Debtors and the Savers 2018. A picture is worth a thousand words, so here are a few of the images from that post, to sort of summarize the post:


In chapter 5, Sowell explains how both Fascism and Marxism are hybrid visions. If you've ever noticed the irony in Antifa ("anti-fascists") actually being a bunch of fascists, or that Nazis (National Socialists) were actually socialists, or how the left is in league with actual Nazis in Ukraine, and has been since 2014, then this chapter is for you! Here are a few select excerpts:

Fascism, for example, heavily emphasizes surrogate decision-making but is not an unconstrained vision, because neither the mode of decision-making nor the mode of choosing the leader is articulated rationality. It is not merely that non-fascists find fascism non-rational, but that fascism's own creed justifies decisive emotional ties (nationalism, race) and the use of violence as political driving forces. It is only when both the locus of discretion and the mode of discretion consistently reflect the underlying assumptions of either the constrained vision or the unconstrained vision that a given social philosophy can be unambiguously placed under either rubric. […]

A given vision may fall anywhere on the continuum between the constrained and unconstrained visions. It may also combine elements of the two visions in ways which are either consistent or inconsistent. Marxism and utilitarianism are classic examples of hybrid visions, though in very different ways.

Marxism The Marxian theory of history is essentially a constrained vision, with the constraints lessening over the centuries, ending in the unconstrained world of communism. However, at any given time prior to the advent of ultimate communism, people cannot escape—materially or morally—from the inherent constraints of their own era. It is the growth of new possibilities, created by knowledge, science, and technology which lessens these constraints and thus sets the stage for a clash between those oriented toward the new options for the future and those dedicated to the existing society. This was how Marx saw the epochal transitions of history—from feudalism to capitalism, for example—and how he foresaw a similar transformation from capitalism to communism.

This hybrid vision put Marxism at odds with the rest of the socialist tradition, whose unconstrained vision condemned capitalism by timeless moral standards, not as a once progressive system which had created new social opportunities that now rendered it obsolete.

Marx spoke of "the greatness and temporary necessity for the bourgeois regime," a notion foreign to socialists with the unconstrained vision, for whom capitalism was simply immoral. As in more conservative compromises with evil, Marx's temporary moral acceptance of past capitalism was based on the premise that nothing better was possible—for a certain span of past history, under the inherent constraints of those times. His efforts to overthrow capitalism in his own time were based on the premise that new options now made capitalism both unnecessary and counterproductive.

But just as Marx differed from other socialists because he believed in inherent constraints, he also differed from those like Smith and Burke who conceived of these constraints as being fixed by human nature. To Marx, the constraints were ultimately those of material production and the frontiers of those constraints would be pushed back by the march of science and technology. Eventually, the preconditions would exist for the realization of goals long part of the socialist tradition, including the production and distribution of output "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs." But no such principle could be simply decreed, without regard to the stage of economic development and the human attitudes conditioned by it.

According to Marx, it was only "after the productive forces have also increased with the all-around development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly—only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribe on its banner: 'from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!"' Marx's vision was therefore of a world constrained for centuries, though progressively less so, and eventually becoming unconstrained. Engels called this "the ascent of man from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom."

Marxian doctrine, as it applies respectively to the past and the future, reflects the reasoning respectively of the constrained and the unconstrained visions. Looking back at history, Marxism sees causation as the constrained vision sees it, as systemic rather than intentional. In Engels' words, "what each individual wills is obstructed by everyone else, and what emerges is something that no one willed." When referring to the capitalist and pre-capitalist past, individual intention was as sweepingly rejected as a source of social causation in Marxism as in Adam Smith or any other exemplar of the constrained vision. Unlike many others on the political left, Marx did not regard the capitalist economy as directly controlled by the individual intentions of capitalists, but rather as controlling them systemically—forcing them to cut prices, for example, as technology lowered production costs, or even forcing them to sell below cost during economic crises. Similarly, bourgeois democratic governments were seen as unable to control insurgent political tendencies threatening their rule.

Marxian moral as well as causal conclusions about the past were consistently cast in terms of a constrained vision. For ancient economic and social systems, slavery and incest were considered by Marx to be historically justified, because of the narrower inherent constraints of those primitive times. Nor would the immediate post-revolutionary regime envisioned by Marx sufficiently escape constraints to decide deliberately when to end the state; rather, systemic conditions would determine when and how the state would eventually "wither away."

Only in some indefinite future was the unconstrained world, which Marxism sought, expected to be realized. In speaking of that world, and contrasting its desirable features with those of capitalism, Marx's language became that of the unconstrained vision. "Real" freedom of the individual, to be realized under Marxian communism, meant "the positive power to assert his true individuality," not merely the "bourgeois" freedom of the constrained vision—"the negative power to avoid this or that."

According to Marx and Engels:

Only in community with others has each individual the means of cultivating his gifts in all directions; only in the community, therefore, is personal freedom possible.

Looking backward, Marx and Engels saw the emergence of bourgeois freedom—political emancipation from deliberately imposed restrictions—as "a great step forward," though not "the final form of human emancipation." However, such freedom was "the final form within the prevailing order of things" that is, within the constrained world before communism, as conceived by Marx. Under capitalism, Marx considered the worker to be only "nominally free"; he was "compelled by social conditions" to work for the exploiting capitalist. Real freedom was the freedom of the unconstrained vision to be realized in a future unconstrained world. This freedom was defined as a result, in the manner of the unconstrained vision, not as a process in the manner of the constrained vision.

Marx was not inconsistent in using the concepts of the constrained vision for his analysis of the past and the concepts of the unconstrained vision for criticizing the present in comparison with the future he envisioned. His overall theory of history was precisely that constraints lessened over time, with the advancement of science and technology, and that social changes followed in their wake. As a system of contemporary political advocacy, it is an unconstrained vision—a theory that the ills of our time are due to a wrong set of institutions, and that surrogate decision-makers, making collective choices with specifically articulated rationality, are the proper locus and mode of discretion for the future. […]

The entire spectrum of social visions cannot be neatly dichotomized into the constrained and the unconstrained, though it is remarkable how many leading visions of the past two centuries fit into these two categories. Moreover, this dichotomy extends across moral, economic, legal, and other fields. This is highlighted by the fact that those economists, for example, who hold the constrained vision in their own field tend also to take a constrained vision of law and politics, while those with the unconstrained vision of law, for example, tend to favor economic and political policies which are also consistent with the unconstrained vision. This will become more apparent in the chapters that follow. Contemporary examples of this consistency across fields are no longer as numerous, simply because social thinkers who operate across disciplinary lines are not as numerous. The increasing specialization of modern times makes the kind of sweeping visions of the eighteenth century less common today. Contemporary visions are more likely to be confined to a particular field—"judicial activism" in law or laissez-faire in economics, for example—though there have been a small and dwindling number of twentieth-century thinkers, such as Gunnar Myrdal or Friedrich Hayek, whose writings on a wide range of issues have gone well beyond a single intellectual discipline. However, what makes a vision a vision is not its scope but its coherence—the consistency between its underlying premises and its specific conclusions, whether those conclusions cover a narrow or a broad range.

Nevertheless, despite the scope and consistency of both constrained and unconstrained visions, there are some other very important social visions—Marxism and utilitarianism, for example—which do not fit into either category completely. In addition, one of the hybrid visions which has had a spectacular rise and fall in the twentieth century is fascism. Here some of the key elements of the constrained vision—obedience to authority, loyalty to one's people, willingness to fight—were strongly invoked, but always under the overriding imperative to follow an unconstrained leader, under no obligation to respect laws, traditions, institutions, or even common decency. The systemic processes at the core of the constrained vision were negated by a totalitarianism directed against every independent social process, from religion to political or economic freedom. Fascism appropriated some of the symbolic aspects of the constrained vision, without the systemic processes which gave them meaning. It was an unconstrained vision of governance which attributed to its leaders a scope of knowledge and dedication to the common good wholly incompatible with the constrained vision whose symbols it invoked.

Adherents of both the constrained and the unconstrained visions each see fascism as the logical extension of the adversary's vision. To those on the political left, fascism is "the far right." Conversely, to Hayek, Hitler's "national socialism" (Nazism) was indeed socialist in concept and execution.

Inconsistent and hybrid visions make it impossible to equate constrained and unconstrained visions simply with the political left and right. Marxism epitomizes the political left, but not the unconstrained vision which is dominant among the non-Marxist left. Groups such as the libertarians also defy easy categorization, either on a left-right continuum or in terms of the constrained and unconstrained visions. While contemporary libertarians are identified with the tradition exemplified by F. A. Hayek and going back to Adam Smith, they are in another sense closer to William Godwin's atomistic vision of society and of decision-making dominated by rationalistic individual conscience than to the more organic conceptions of society found in Smith and Hayek. Godwin's views on war (see Chapter 7) also put him much closer to the pacifist tendency in libertarianism than to Smith or Hayek. These conflicting elements in libertarianism are very revealing as to the difference made by small shifts of assumptions.

Godwin's profound sense of a moral obligation to take care of one's fellow man never led him to conclude that the government was the instrumentality for discharging this obligation. He therefore had no desire to destroy private property or to have the government manage the economy or redistribute income. In supporting private property and a free market, Godwin was at one with Smith, with Hayek, and with modem libertarianism. But in his sense of a pervasive moral responsibility to one's fellow man, he was clearly at the opposite pole from those libertarians who follow Ayn Rand, for example. It was the power of reason which made it unnecessary for government to take on the task of redistribution, in Godwin's vision, for individuals were capable, eventually, of voluntarily sharing on their own. But were reason considered just a little less potent, or selfishness just a little more recalcitrant, the arguments and vision of Godwin could be used to support socialism or other radically redistributionist political philosophies. Historically, the general kind of vision found in Godwin has been common on the political left, among those skeptical of the free market and advocating more government intervention.

Logically, one can be a thorough libertarian, in the sense of rejecting government control, and yet believe that private decision-making should, as a matter of morality, be directed toward altruistic purposes. It is equally consistent to see this atomistic freedom as the means to pursue purely personal well-being. In these senses, both William Godwin and Ayn Rand could be included among the contributors to libertarianism.

The unconstrained vision is clearly at home on the political left, as among G. B. Shaw and the other Fabians, for example, or in Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward or in the contemporary writings of John Kenneth Galbraith in economics or of Ronald Dworkin and Laurence Tribe on the law. But the constrained vision, while opposed to such philosophies, is also incompatible with the atomism of thoroughgoing libertarians. In the constrained vision, the individual is allowed great freedom precisely in order to serve social ends—which may be no part of the individual's purposes. Property rights, for example, are justified within the constrained vision not by any morally superior claims of the individual over society, but precisely by claims for the efficiency or expediency of making social decisions through the systemic incentives of market processes rather than by central planning. Smith had no difficulty with the right of society to regulate individual behavior for the common good, as in fire regulations, for example, and Oliver Wendell Holmes declared that "the public welfare may call upon the best citizens for their lives."

Neither the left-right dichotomy nor the dichotomy between constrained and unconstrained visions turns on the relative importance of the individual's benefit and the common good. All make the common good paramount, though they differ completely as to how it is to be achieved. In short, it is not a moral "value premise" which divides them but their different empirical assumptions as to human nature and social cause and effect.

Another complication in making these dichotomies of social philosophy is that many twentieth-century institutions or legal precedents represent thinking that is "liberal" (in American terms) or social-democratic (in European terms), so that conservatives who oppose these institutions or precedents are often confronted with the argument that such things are "here to stay"— essentially a conservative principle. Those on the political right may thus end up arguing, on the ground of the political left, that certain policies are "irrational," while the left defends them as part of the accepted social fabric, the traditional position of the right. While these might be simply tactical debating positions in some cases, there is a very real philosophic difficulty as well. At the extreme, the long-standing institutions of the Soviet Union were part of the social fabric of that society, and communists who opposed reforming them were sometimes considered to be "conservative." Among fervent American supporters of the free-market principle, libertarians are often at odds with conservatives on welfare state institutions, including labor unions, which are now part of the American social fabric—an argument which carries little or no weight in libertarian thinking, though some conservatives find it important.

While it is useful to realize that such complications exist, it is also necessary to understand that a very fundamental conflict between two visions has persisted as a dominant ideological phenomenon for centuries, and shows no signs of disappearing. The inevitable compromises of practical day-to-day politics are more in the nature of truces than of peace treaties. Like other truces, they break down from time to time in various parts of the world amid bitter recriminations or even bloodshed.

The general patterns of social visions sketched in these chapters in Part I provide a framework for looking more deeply into the application of constrained and unconstrained visions to highly controversial issues involving equality, power, and justice in the chapters that follow in Part II. Finally, the role of visions will be assessed against related but very different concepts, such as "value premises" and paradigms.

Visions are lenses. They are how we view the world and human nature, and everyone's lens is unique. Sowell even says, "there are as many visions as there are human beings, if not more," yet we can delineate them into two groups that stay consistent through time, and across a wide range of issues, and are therefore in a constant state of conflict.

So, isn't it interesting that the most dangerous visions of the last two centuries, Marxism and Fascism, which killed millions of people, were hybrids?

In both cases, they were ultimately unconstrained visions, but they appropriated, or used, some aspects of the constrained vision. Perhaps that gave them cover, or disguise. In any case, both were gravely divisive, by rallying those of unconstrained vision against the rest, which led to a communist takeover in the Soviet Union and China, and the rise of the Nazis in Germany, and to war and mass murder.

It was also that they were incorrect delineations of the two sides who, throughout history, are always at odds with one another. Marx essentially delineated the past from the future, implying that human nature itself can change, or progress, from the constrained to an unconstrained vision. And for the leftists that call the right fascist, or Nazis, again, the delineation is wrong because it does not hold up over time. Fascism used extreme versions of aspects of the constrained vision, like nationalism, obedience and loyalty, to transition or progress from a constrained vision past to an unconstrained totalitarian government.

We are there again today, but with a twist.

Note that Sowell first published A Conflict of Visions in 1987, and the most-recent revision was published in 2007. Harvard Psychology Professor Steven Pinker, in his 2002 book The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature, calls Sowell's delineation the best theory given to date. That's just to point out that this dichotomy, or delineation, has been around for a while, and I find it consistent with the Debtors and the Savers.

The Debtors, the easy money camp, have the unconstrained vision. MMT, for example, is an unconstrained view of money. Hard money is a constrained view of money. The Savers, the hard money camp, have the constrained vision of human nature and the world.

According to Sowell, those with an unconstrained vision "distrust decentralized processes, believe there is an ideal solution to every problem, and that compromise is never acceptable. He refers to them as 'the self anointed.' They believe that there exist some people who are further along the path of moral development, have overcome self-interest and are immune to the influence of power and therefore can act as surrogate decision-makers for the rest of society." They are the central planners.

The constrained vision, on the other hand, "relies heavily on the belief that human nature is essentially unchanging and that man is naturally inherently self-interested, regardless of the best intentions. Those with a constrained vision prefer the systematic processes of the rule of law and experience of tradition. Compromise is essential because there are no ideal solutions, only trade-offs. Those with a constrained vision favor empirical evidence and time-tested structures and processes over intervention and personal experience. Ultimately, the constrained vision demands checks and balances and refuses to accept that all people could put aside their innate self-interest." (Wikipedia)

Freegold is a compromise.

Sowell writes: "The inevitable compromises of practical day-to-day politics are more in the nature of truces than of peace treaties."

Freegold is a peace treaty.

Money stays easy, and everyone uses money. So everyone contributes to government theft equally.

Gold stays hard, and only Savers use gold. It's a closed circuit, as retiring savers sell their gold to young savers.

The Freegold revaluation is something totally separate. It's a one-time thing. It's only going to happen once. You aren't going to get rich by simply holding gold within Freegold, but those who carry physical gold from this system to the next will "own the future," as I wrote back in 2010.

Today we are on the cusp of something really big. Everything in the past 4 to 8 years has been leading up to this moment. To help you visualize what I see coming, it's like we're on a train that is moving very fast. Up ahead, a dump truck loaded with boulders is parked on the tracks.

Four years ago, there was semi on the tracks. It turned out to be empty, and the train smashed right through it and kept on going. This next obstacle is different, though. For years now, I thought that the train would stop, or the truck would move, or the train would derail because it is going too fast, or run out of diesel. But none of that happened. The train just keeps speeding up, because those running the train, those in charge, have an unconstrained vision of the world.

That's the twist. In Russia, China, Germany, and even in the French Revolution, the unconstrained rose up and took power from the constrained, mostly by killing them. Today, the unconstrained already have all the power. That's the twist. The American Revolution was the opposite. Today is more like the latter than the former.



This is only half of the post. You can read the other half and the 389 comments under it at the Freegold Speakeasy. It was posted there on May 8. You can join the Speakeasy by subscribing in the side bar, or you can email me at fofoamail at gmail dot com.

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Sincerely,
FOFOA